Harmony of religion and culture: fiqh munākahat perspective on the Gayo marriage custom

This study aimed to describe the established harmony between religion and culture within the traditional Gayo marriage custom. In addition, it determined whether the blending of religion and culture in traditional Gayo marriages adheres to fiqh munākahat. This study was descriptive and qualitative field research using the sociological juridical approach. Interviews and documentation were used as data collection methods. Meanwhile, to identify informants, researchers employed a purposive sampling technique. The important finding of this study was that in traditional Gayo marriages, religion and culture are harmonized appropriately and without coercion. The acculturation of fiqh munākahat evidences harmonization: ta’aruf (introduction), khitbah (proposal), marriage advice, discussions, i’lanu nikah (marriage announcement), and hospitality. The acculturation of the fiqh munākahat concept is found in the procession of the risik kono (introduction of the bride and groom’s family), the munginte (proposal), the beguru (giving advice), the betelah (discussion), the segenap and begenap (discussion and family), the mah bai (accompanying the groom) and mah beru (accompanying the bride), mah kero opat ingi (carrying rice for four days) and tanag kul (a visit to the bride’s house). Moreover, only two of the five Gayonese marriage customs adhere to the fiqh munākahat: ango/juelen (patrilineal) and kuso now (to and fro) marriages. In contrast, engagement marriages (matrilineal), Naik (eloping) and mah tabak (marriage submission) are not in line with fiqh munākahat.

This study aimed to describe the established harmony between religion and culture within the traditional Gayo marriage custom. In addition, it determined whether the blending of religion and culture in traditional Gayo marriages adheres to fiqh munākahat. This study was descriptive and qualitative field research using the sociological juridical approach. Interviews and documentation were used as data collection methods. Meanwhile, to identify informants, researchers employed a purposive sampling technique. The important finding of this study was that in traditional Gayo marriages, religion and culture are harmonized appropriately and without coercion. The acculturation of fiqh munākahat evidences harmonization: ta'aruf (introduction), khitbah (proposal), marriage advice, discussions, i'lanu nikah (marriage announcement), and hospitality. The acculturation of the fiqh munākahat concept is found in the procession of the risik kono (introduction of the bride and groom's family), the munginte (proposal), the beguru (giving advice), the betelah (discussion), the segenap and begenap (discussion and family), the mah bai (accompanying the groom) and mah beru (accompanying the bride), mah kero opat ingi (carrying rice for four days) and tanag kul (a visit to the bride's house). Moreover, only two of the five Gayonese marriage customs adhere to the fiqh munākahat: ango/juelen (patrilineal) and kuso now (to and fro) marriages. In contrast, engagement marriages (matrilineal), Naik (eloping) and mah tabak (marriage submission) are not in line with fiqh munākahat.

Introduction
Gayo is one of the tribes in Aceh province whose customs and culture are unique and distinct from those of other tribes (Mustafa and Amri, 2017). The majority of its members is Muslims. According to Mahmud Ibrahim, the Gayo is incredibly devoted to Islam, and their customs and culture conform to Islamic teachings (Abdi, 2019). The Gayo tribe still adheres to sacred customs and traditions, such as traditional wedding ceremonies, passed down from generation to generation. In terms of marriage, the Gayo people have distinctive characteristics and practices. Gayo's traditional wedding ceremony is called sinte mungerje (traditional wedding ceremony). This wedding ceremony cannot be separated from its deeply symbolic traditional elements. For instance, when proposing, the groom's family typically brings betel nut, areca nut, and other paraphernalia to symbolize wealth and honor (Fathanah et al., 2020). It is according to the interview results, "We, the Gayo people, adhere to the traditions inherited by our ancestors. Marriage in the Gayo tribe is carried out according to custom. A series of traditional processions has its own aims and objectives" (Bahri, 2022).
This tradition in Traditional Gayo marriages has been carried out from generation to generation and continues to exist today. This tradition occasionally takes the form of reciprocated pantun traditions (reciprocating rhymes), sebuku (crying interspersed with humming words), beguru (learning) and other forms of tradition. This tradition is in line with Islamic religious teachings, as the advice in the customary series consists of advice for prospective brides and grooms on how to avoid conflict and always live in harmony in the home (Apriana and Ikhwan, 2020).
In fact, numerous researchers have analised this traditional Gayo marriage. One of them is Pertiwi (2017), who investigated the manners in the wedding speeches of the Gayo tribe in the Lues district. This study employs a qualitative descriptive method of research. The results of this study are language politeness in Gayo traditional weddings in the form of poetry. Ocktarizka subsequently researched "Customary values in the sebuku ritual in the marriage procession of the Gayo tribe in the Central Aceh district." This study employs a qualitative, descriptive methodology. According to the study, sebuku (crying interspersed with humming) represents the courtesy of a person who adheres to customary provisions to avoid sumang (taboo behavior) (Ocktarizka, 2021).
There are many studies on Gayo tribal marriages, but this research is only about traditional rituals or processions that are studied and analyzed. No research has ever been conducted on the harmony of religion and culture in Gayo traditional marriages. This research is significant to know that the harmonization process aligns with and adheres to the fiqh munākahat. The novelty in this research is expected to preserve the good local customs and cultural values in accordance with Islamic law.

Method
Data of the research are conducted by interview and documents. In this study, religious leaders, traditional leaders, community leaders, and Gayo tribe members served as informants. Researchers used a purposive sampling technique to identify informants, intending to obtain more precise and relevant data. This study employed a sociological juridical approach because it examined a social reality of a legal perspective (Huda, 2022).
The approach discovers and describes facts about the harmony of religion and culture in Traditional Gayo marriages analyzed using the fiqh munākahat theory. The technique for data analysis was executed in stages: reduction, presentation, and conclusion (Miles and Huberman, 2014). At the same time, the data validity technique was source triangulation (Moleong, 2018).
Researchers used the conceptual framework of Fiqh Munākahat to comprehend the harmony between religion and culture in Gayo tribal marriages. Fiqh Munākahat regulates Muslim marriages; it includes the pillars and conditions of marriage, khit} bah, walimah al-urs, dowry, maintenance, and other related matters to marriage in Islam (Yahya et al., 2021;Sanusi et al., 2022). The scope of fiqh is broad, and researchers use only a portion of it as a tool for data analysis. Etymologically marriage means getting together and having intercourse. While in terminology, marriage is a contract that authorizes sexual relations with the word inkaha or tazwīja (Subarman, 2013;Supraptiningsih, 2021). Marriage is valid if the conditions and pillars are met (Caniago, 2016;Ali, 2002). There are five pillars of marriage: the prospective husband, the prospective wife, the guardian, two witnesses, and the solemnization of marriage (Khairani and Sari, 2017;Subeitan, 2022). While the conditions for marriage are Islam, there is no mahrom (blood relationship), no ihram, dowry, and willingness (not forced) (Samad, 2017;Lathifah, 2020). Before the realization of marriage, Islam provides opportunities for the bride and groom to understand each other and become acquainted with each other's personalities before marriage. The objective of ta'ruf is to recognise one another's personality, religion, family, social background, and habits.
After the ta'ruf process has determined that a prospective husband and wife are compatible, the next step is the khit} bah (Hamdi, 2017;Lonthor and Jamaa, 2020). Khitbah etymologically means to propose. According to Asy-Syarbiny, khit} bah is a man's request to a woman for marrying him (cited in Sadan and Afandi, 2017;Muslimin, 2019). The next stage after the khit} bah is the marriage contract procession and walimah al-urs (wedding party). The wedding party has become an integral and inseparable part of the marriage contract process (Hilmy and Utami, 2021;Abubakar, Nurlaelawati and Wahib, 2022). Imam Syafi'i emphasizes it as sunnah muākadah (highly recommended) (Akmal, 2019).

Profile of the Gayo tribe
The Gayo tribe inhabits the Aceh province highlands, which are commonly referred to as the Gayo highlands. The area includes the districts of Central Aceh, Benefest, Gayo Lues, Gayo Serbejadi (a portion of East Aceh district), Gayo Alas (Southeast Aceh district), and Gayo Kalul (part of Aceh Tamiang district). In Aceh, the Gayo people's region is known as the land of Gayo. (Eades and Hajek, 2006). In terms of language, customs, and culture, the Gayo tribe has its own distinctiveness and characteristics. Islam and the customary laws and regulations of the Gayo tribe have many similarities and are compatible. The Gayo tribe's customary laws and regulations have much in common and are in harmony with the Islamic religion (Zain, Fauzi and Muttaqin, 2021). This result is consistent with the interview data "Customs and sharia are like a areca nut split in two. Our traditions stand firm because they are supported by Islamic sharia" (Andini, 2022).
The Gayo refer to themselves as Gayonese, not Acehnese, because the culture of the Gayo tribe is distinct from that of the general Acehnese population. However, since Islamic teachings was recognised and spreading throughout Aceh, the Acehnese tribes coexisted and cultural fusion occurred due to Islamic teachings' acculturation (Arfiansyah, Ijtihad: Jurnal Wacana Hukum Islam dan Kemanusiaan, Volume 22, No. 2, December 2022: 199-218 204 2020; Iswanto, Haikal and Ramazan Ramazan, 2019). Given that the Gayo tribe has deep historical roots, it is natural that their traditions and culture are deeply ingrained in society.
Although initially, many Gayo did not adhere to Islamic teachings, it eventually became the foundation of Gayo culture. The relationship between religion and culture is harmonious.
The sacred values of the Gayo tradition adhere to several Islamic religious doctrines and beliefs (Ocktarizka, 2021).

Procession of Gayo traditional marriage
Traditional Gayo marriages are known as kerje or mungerje. This customary marriage has much in common with marriage in Islam. Typically, when looking for a mate, the Gayo tribe prefers a partner from a different village. Mutia (2022) recounts "we are prohibited from marrying the same person from our village. If looking for a partner, both husband and wife must be in the village. If someone violates these customary rules, they will be subject to customary sanctions".
The positive philosophy underlying this pattern of marriage prohibition is that the larger the family and the family that becomes related (due to different villages), the stronger the bonds of friendship and brotherhood.
The Gayo traditional wedding ceremony has several rituals divided into four stages.,First, the beginning stage consists of 4 parts: kusik (talking between parents to find a partner for their child), sisu (whispering/delivering the results of the parents' discussion about searching for their child's partner to the family), pakok (a request for the child's willingness to find a partner), and peden (negotiations about women who will be future wives). Second, the preparation stage is divided into four parts: risik (investigation into the prospective wife's family), rese (visiting the prospective wife's family), kono (handover), and kinte (proposal).
Third, the implementation stage which is divided into four parts, which are berguru (giving advice), nyerah (handing over responsibility), bejege (staying up late), and mah bai (accompanying husband). Fourth, the completion stage which is divided into five parts is mah beru (taking the wife), serit benang (winding the thread), kero selpah (souvenirs), tanag kul (a visit to the bride's house), and entong ralik (a visit to the parents' house) (Chalid and Kasbi, 2021).
Ango or juelen is a type of original marriage in Gayo tribal society. In this type of marriage, the bride is brought to the husband's belah (clan). The wife and children from this union will bear the husband's surname (Ramadhani, 2017). Teiga (2022) states "when my sister got married, her children all entered include her husband's surname" (Teuga, 2022).
Juelen marriages are often called as kerje berunyuk (dowry marriages), because the prospective wife's parents receive the unyuk (dowry). Juelen marriages are patrilineal, which means marriages that follow the lineage from the father's side (Nofiardi and Rozi, 2017). The purpose of this juelen is to prevent inbreeding. Juelen's marital status is more challenging for her future husband because he has to fulfill the edet (traditional) requirements. The basis of this edet rule is rid} o bisyai'in rid} o bima yatawaladu minhu (to be willing with something means to be willing with its consequences) (Azizi, Imron and Heradhyaksa, 2020)which is considered as a progressive and responsive measure to guarantee children's rights. However, the content of this decision is considered to violate Islamic norms in giving family lineage to extramarital children for it will create a stigma that one does not need a sacred marriage institution if he only wants to establish a civil or lineage relationship with his biological father; instead, it only requires evidence based on science and technology or others in court. This article answers the questions of how to interpret the concept of the civil rights of extramarital children to avoid conflicts with Islamic norms and what are the philosophical and sociological benefits of fulfilling civil rights for extramarital children. This study is qualitative in nature. It is focused more on conceptual ideas based on library research using conceptual and case approaches. It was found that (1. The point is that if you want to hold a marriage with the juelen model, you have to be willing to accept the consequences of edet (traditional rules).
The next customary marriage is angkap marriage. It is a form of marriage with a matrilineal system, where the husband will be brought to the wife's clan. The husband and children born from this marriage will use his wife's last name. Tiro (2022) states "sometimes men from the Gayo tribe when married join their wife's clan. Children born from this marriage also follow the wife's surname" (Tiro, 2022). The angkap marriage is the same as the japuik (picking-up) marriage in Minangkabau (Nofiardi, 2018)hal ini terlihat ketika proses mencari jodoh, penjajakan pertama, peminangan, dan sampai pelaksanaan pesta. Setelah akad nikah, suami dijemput secara adat untuk tinggal di rumah isterinya, meskipun ia bukan orang Minang. Konsekuensi seperti ini, suami ibarat abu di atas tunggul yang mudah terbang ketika angin kencang datang. Ketika terjadi perselisihan dan pertengkaran yang sulit dicarikan jalan keluar dengan isterinya, maka kemungkinan ia meninggalkan isterinya yang disebut dengan baganyi, dan bila tidak diselesaikan bisa berujung kepada perceraian. Tidak jelasnya status isteri (digantung tidak bertali. The next traditional marriage is kuso kini (to and fro). Kuso kini is a more realistic marriage, because husband and wife are given the freedom to choose a place for living in which clan they want. Saputra (2022)  ). The next customary marriage is naik. Naik is a form of marriage that occurs when a man runs away with a girl to become his life partner. Ismail (2022) states "the Gayo tribe really avoids marrying up. In fact, this marriage is a disgrace to the woman's family. The marriage is not normal because the woman is taken away by her future husband". Naik marriages (eloping) usually occur because the woman's family does not like the man, or the man cannot provide the dowry as requested by the woman's family (Ramadhani, 2017).
The next traditional marriage is mah tabak. It is a form of marriage that occurs because a man surrenders himself to the woman's family to be married off, and if he is not married, it is better for him to be killed. (Tiro, 2022) states "young people from the Gayo tribe can act recklessly. As long as rejection of love only comes from the woman's family, not from the woman he loves, then he will be desperate to come to the woman's family with tabak. If his good intentions are still rejected, it is better for him to be killed". Tabak is a tool shaped like a pan, round and flat. Tabak has a symbol where when the intention of his arrival to ask for marriage with the woman's family is not approved, it is better for him to be killed (Ramadhani, 2017

No. Forms of Marriage Illustrations 1 Ango or Juelen
A form of marriage with a patrilineal system, where the wife is brought to the husband's clan. The wife and children born from this marriage will use her husband's last name.

Angkap
A form of marriage with a matrilineal system, where the husband will be brought to the wife's clan. The husband and children born from this marriage will use his wife's last name.

Kuso Kini
A form of marriage that gives freedom to a husband or wife to choose a clan 4 Naik A form of marriage that occurs when a man runs away with a girl to become his life partner.

Mah tabak
A form of marriage that occurs because a man surrenders himself to a woman's family to be married off, and if he is not married then it is better for him to be killed

Source: Researcher's interpretation
The five forms of marriage for the Gayo tribe, only two are under munākahat fiqh: ango or juelen and kuso kini marriages. Marriage in Islam adheres to a patrilineal path, where the child's lineage will follow the father, not the mother, as in a dual marriage. Kuso kini marriage is in line with munakahat fiqh because Islam has never forced a husband and wife to live in a certain place. The rising and mah tabak marriages are not in line with the fiqh munākahat because there is an element of coercion in both marriages. The element of coercion in marriage is strictly prohibited because it will be difficult to create a sakinah mawādah warahmah family.

Harmonization of religion and culture in Gayo traditional marriage
The process of harmonization of religion and culture in traditional Gayo marriages can be seen in the acculturation of Islamic values in traditional marriages. This acculturation can be seen from before the marriage ceremony took place. The first Islamic values that were acculturated in Gayo marriages were ta'āruf. Ta'āruf is a means for serious men and women to get to know each other or introduce themselves to each other to establish a legal marriage (Akbar, 2015). The acculturation of ta'āruf can be seen in the procession of the risik kono tradition. This tradition is an event to introduce oneself and family to the bride and groom (Ramadhani, 2017). (Salim, 2022) states "the procession of the risik kono tradition is a means of finding and choosing the right life partner. This custom is a starting point for exploring the union of two large families in the marriage of their children".
The risik kono tradition functions as a medium or intermediary to choose and determine a potential life partner. This customary term in Gayo proverbs is "mrahi belang si gere ilen mupancang, marahi utn si gere ilen betene" (looking for uncultivated fields, looking for unmarked forests). In Gayo custom, there are three possibilities for a person to choose a life partner; own choice, parental choice, or through ta'āruf (Bakti, Amin and Fakhrurrazi, 2020). The next Islamic values that are acculturated to the customs of the Gayo tribe are khit} bah. The acculturation of the khit} bah occurs in munginte (proposal). In this event, the prospective bride and groom's family comes with money, rice, needles, betel pods complete with contents, and thread. (Teuga, 2022) states "The munginte custom is a continuation of the risik kono custom.
After carrying out the risik kono custom, the next stage is the application or munginte custom. In this procession, families usually bring gifts or souvenirs such as rice, needles, thread, and money".
This souvenir is a symbol of binding for the woman's family, hence she does not accept any more proposals from other parties. The woman's family will answer acceptance or rejection after three days, usually, if the proposal is accepted, then the gift or souvenir is accepted and not returned. Meanwhile, if the proposal is rejected, then the gift or souvenir will be returned to the man who proposed (Ramadhani, 2017). The next acculturated Islamic values are marriage advice. Acculturation of marriage advice occurs in the beguru custom.
Beguru custom means giving advice, where the two bride and groom will be given advice about household affairs. The purpose of the beguru custom is to prepare the mentality and character of the bride and groom so that they can build a household that is sākinah, mawādah, warāhmah.

(Abdurrohim, 2022) states "the beguru tradition is very important in Gayo tribal marriages. Beguru
is a medium for transferring religious knowledge that prospective husband and wife must master. Both are required to understand their respective roles, rights and obligations as husband or wife". The beguru event is usually held at the bride's house and is accompanied by a mourning event (wailing) by the bride; This event of lamentation contains sad words for leaving the family to go to a new place. This beguru event also includes thanks to the extended family, especially the two parents who have educated and loved them wholeheartedly (Ramadhani, 2017).
The next acculturated Islamic values are discussion. Discussion acculturation occurs in the betelah (discussion), segenap and begenap (discussion and family). The custom of betelah (discussion) takes place after receiving a proposal from the groom's family; the women's family discusses the dowry which is usually in the form of wedding expenses, gold, or daily necessities. (Tiro, 2022) states "we, the Gayo people, like to consult on everything. Likewise, about marriage, we always consult. The custom of betelah, Segenap and Begenap are example of embodiment of the values of discussion". The betelah custom is implemented through family discussions (Daud and Hambali, 2022). In contrast, the segenap and bergenap (consultation and family) is the custom of discussion when there is a division of tasks for the marriage committee. This committee usually consists of relatives and neighbors (Ramadhani, 2017).
The next acculturated Islamic value is i'lānu nikāh. Acculturation of i'lānu nikāh occurs in the custom of mah bai (accompanying the groom) and mah beru (accompanying the bride). (Saputra, 2022) states "the traditional procession of mah bai and mah beru is always busy. The procession is entertainment for the surrounding community. The purpose of this custom is that traditional marriages must be public so that many community members know about". The mah bai custom is a traditional procession taking the groom to his future wife's house. Upon arrival at the bride's house, the men will exchange batil (betel nut holders) between the two parties and continue to kiding (washing feet) in front of the entrance. Meanwhile, Mah beru, opposite the mah bai, is the custom of escorting the bride to the groom's house.
The next Islamic value acculturated in the traditional Gayo marriage is hospitality.
Gathering acculturation occurs in the customs of the Mah kero opat ingi (bringing rice for four days) and Tanag kul (a visit to the bride's house). (Kulsum, 2022) states "through the Tanag Kul custom, we establish friendship with our in-laws' families. At this moment, many family members were introduced. Usually, we also bring forty packs of rice and side dishes as souvenirs". The customs of mah kero opat ingi (carrying rice for four days) and tanag kul (a visit to the bride's house) are usually performed after the wife has been at her husband's house for a week; they will visit the in-law's house to introduce all her family members (Ramadhani, 2017). To clarify the acculturation of Islamic values in traditional Gayo marriages, it can be seen in the table below, During the traditional beguru procession, the bride and groom will be given advice and instructions on how to carry out their respective roles in the family.

Discussion
Belah, Segenap and Begenap Discussions are held when determining the dowry, handing over luggage, and dividing the duties of the wedding committee.

I'lānu Nikāh
Mah bai and Mah beru The mah bai custom is the custom of parading the groom. While the custom of mah beru, parading the bride to the groom's house. 6 Hospitality

Mah kero opat ingi and Tanang kul
After the bride has stayed a week at her husband's house, the wife's family will visit her house, aiming to introduce all family members.

Harmonization of religion and culture: fiqh munākahat perspective on the Gayo traditional marriage
Harmonization between religion and culture in traditional Gayo marriages can be seen clearly in the acculturation of Islamic values in traditional wedding procession. The following are some of the acculturation of religions and cultures that strengthen harmony between religion and culture. The risik kono tradition contains the value of ta'āruf. The procession of the risik kono itself is very much in line with fiqh munākahat as long as the ta'āruf process follows the provisions of Islamic teachings. When the ta'aruf process is in progress, it is important to pay attention to the quality of the prospective partner's religion, lineage, and profession (Hamdi, 2017). Ta'āruf is a process for the bride and groom to understand each other, and get to know the personality and character of their partner before moving on to the next level, namely marriage. Ta'aruf usually takes place in a relatively short time and with the help of other trusted parties as mediators. The ta'āruf process generally begins with obtaining information about each candidate's personality through the exchange of biodata, including self-identity, life principles, and mindset towards a problem. (Ilhami, 2019).
The Munginte tradition contains Islamic values of "khitbāh". This custom usually uses a mediator who acts as an intermediary to express the desire to marry to his family. In Islamic marriage, customs like this are included in the khit} bah category. Proposals in Islam (khit} bah) aim to strengthen further the hearts of the two prospective husband and wife couples.
Therefore, during the khit} bah process, the bride and groom may first see their partner so there will be no regrets later after the contract is carried out (Zakaria, 2021). Most scholars believe that the law of khit} bah is mubah (permissible). Only Imam Daud al-Zhahiriy said that the khit} bah is obligatory (Wafa, 2021). Relationships that are born from khit} bah are different from marriage. They do not justify prohibited actions; the two engaged people remain strangers who are forbidden to have khalwat (to be together) or things like that (Daud and Ridlwan Hambali, 2022;Hasyim et al. 2020). This prohibition is actually made for the benefit of man himself (Sururie, 2017;Jafar, 2022). The legal consequences of khit} bah are limited to the prohibition for women who have been proposed by someone to accept other people's proposals. The purpose of giving khit} bah in Islam is so that the prospective husband and wife are willing and happy when getting married (Mustakim, 2022;the issue of marriage is one of the urgent issues regulated in various teachings. The Qur'an and as-Sunnah, the two main sources of Islamic teachings, have much to say on this issue. One of the problems related to premarital issues is the issue of khitbah, namely the proposal (to apply Fauzi, 2019).
In the beguru custom there is marriage advice which is very helpful in understanding the rights and obligations of husband and wife. In Islamic marriages, marriage advice is usually delivered during the nikāh sermon. In the Nikah sermon, the rights, obligations, and goals of marriage in Islam are clearly stated, and if this is also done in the beguru custom, it will be very good. it is resolved through discussion, a solution will be easily found. In matters of dowry, Islam does not determine the value or price of the dowry, but it is left to the prospective wife and family to determine for themselves (discussion) the amount of dowry to be requested (Bahri, 2022).
The traditions of mah bai and mah beru contain elements of i'lānu nikāh (spreading marriage information). The traditions of mah bai and mah beru are the custom of parading the bride and groom with the aim that many people know about the wedding ceremony.
Publication of information about marriage is highly recommended in Islam. Some scholars even require marriage to be published (Teuga, 2022). Some scholars argue that i'lān al-nikāh} is one of the conditions for a valid marriage. However, most fiqh scholars believe that i'lān al-nikāh} is not a requirement for a valid marriage, but only sunnah ( The harmonization of religion and culture in traditional Gayo marriage from the perspective of fiqh munākahat can be seen clearly in the table below, The acculturation of Islamic values in traditional Gayo marriages indicates the harmony between Islamic teachings and local culture. The higher the level of acculturation, the better the quality of religious and cultural connection.

Conclusion
After extensive research, the researchers concluded that religion and culture had long